David Epstein
David Epstein is a science journalist and author. His work addresses topics related to personal management and productivity, including dealing with feeling overwhelmed, the dynamics between discipline and freedom, and the effects of establishing constraints and limits.
38 claims checked on air: 3 context 1 contradicted 19 supported 15 unverified
What they said on air - supported
In experiments, participants given a choice among 20 videos reported feeling more bored than participants who were assigned a single video to watch from the same set.
"would run experiments where they would say randomize some people to a group where they would have 20 videos that they could choose whatever they want to watch. Or they were just given one from that same set of 20 and they have to watch it. And the people who had to watch the one are less bored than the people who have the 20." (said at 0:05:44)
In a series of experimental studies examining digital media switching and boredom (Tam & Inzlicht, 2024, Journal of Experimental Psychology: General), researchers randomized participants to either switch among/choose between multiple short videos or watch a single video without switching. Across seven experiments (total N = 1,223), participants who had the option to switch between videos reported significantly higher levels of boredom, lower engagement, and less satisfaction compared to those assigned to watch a single video from the set.
- supports: Fast-forward to boredom: How switching behavior on digital media makes people more bored. (Journal of experimental psychology. General 2024) · cited 38x in the literature
"Across seven experiments (total N = 1,223; six preregistered), we found a bidirectional, causal relationship between boredom and digital switching. When participants were bored, they switched (Study 1), and they believed that switching would help them avoid boredom (Study 2). Switching between videos (Study 3) and within video (Study 4), however, led not to less boredom but more boredom; it also reduced satisfaction, reduced attention, and lowered meaning." (abstract, results, passage verified)
pubmedfull study (doi)
Research on the maximization scale shows that maximizers do not make better decisions than satisficers despite spending more time, and they report more regret and lower life happiness.
"And it turns out that there's not a lot of evidence that maximizers actually make better decisions even though they spend a lot more time making decisions, and they are less happy with their choices. They're more prone to regret. They are less happy with their lives." (said at 0:07:11)
The seminal research establishing the Maximization Scale by Schwartz and colleagues (2002) directly evaluated these claims across multiple studies. They found that maximizers report significantly lower happiness, optimism, and life satisfaction, alongside greater susceptibility to regret and depression. Furthermore, across behavioral decision-making tasks, maximizers were less satisfied with their consumer decisions and choices compared to satisficers, despite investing greater effort and engaging in more exhaustive comparison.
Studies testing choice irreversibility demonstrate that people who are not allowed to exchange a chosen item end up happier with it than those given an exchange option.
"You know, this is basically directly tested in some studies, not with jeans, but with other objects where people are either allowed to exchange it or not. Okay? And the people who are not end up happier with what they have." (said at 0:08:41)
Experimental research by Gilbert and Ebert (2002) directly evaluated the effect of decision reversibility on outcome satisfaction. Participants choosing photographic prints who were not allowed to exchange their choice (an irreversible decision) reported significantly greater satisfaction with their selected items than participants who were given the option to exchange them later. The researchers found that keeping a decision reversible interrupts the psychological rationalization processes that normally increase post-decisional satisfaction.
Roughly two-thirds of surveyed healthy people say they would want to choose their own cancer treatment if diagnosed, but only about 10% of actual cancer patients want that choice.
"if you survey people you know and say if you got cancer, would you want to be involved in choosing your treatment? And something like two-thirds of people say, "Yes, absolutely. I would want that agency." Okay. And then among people who actually get cancer, it's like 10%." (said at 0:10:43)
The speaker's statement accurately reflects landmark survey research comparing hypothetical decision-making preferences in the general public with those of actual cancer patients. In a seminal 1992 study by Degner and Sloan (PMID: 1432023) evaluating 482 members of the public and 436 newly diagnosed cancer patients using the Control Preferences Scale, 64% of the general public believed they would want to select their own cancer treatment (active role) if diagnosed. In contrast, 59% of actual cancer patients preferred that physicians make treatment decisions on their behalf (passive role), and only a small minority (around 12%) preferred an autonomous active role. Subsequent pooled analyses of cancer patients (e.g., PMID: 20873956) find that roughly 26% prefer an active role, 49% prefer collaborative shared decision-making, and 25% prefer a passive role.
When retirement plan choice sets become increasingly complex, employees become more likely to make no decision and forfeit company matching funds.
"So if you look at things like people's retirement plans, you know, 401(k)s, if they have a company match, once the choice sets get increasingly complex, they're more likely to make no decision at all, even if that means forgoing free money from the company" (said at 0:11:08)
Empirical research on 401(k) plan design demonstrates that increasing the complexity of the choice set (specifically, offering a larger menu of investment funds) is associated with a decrease in employee participation rates. In a landmark study of Vanguard 401(k) plans covering hundreds of thousands of employees, researchers found that plans with more fund options had significantly lower participation rates—employees were more likely to defer enrollment entirely, thereby forfeiting employer matching contributions.
International surveys show that maximizing tendencies, including socially prescribed perfectionism, are increasing, particularly in the wealthiest parts of the world.
"there's evidence from these international surveys that some aspects of maximizing tendencies are actually on the rise. Nobody's a maximizer or satisficer in all things, but some people are much more of maximizer or satisficer. And there's evidence that the maximizing tendency is on the rise, particularly in like the richest parts of the world. And that includes things like socially prescribed perfectionism" (said at 0:12:12)
A cross-temporal meta-analysis of 164 samples comprising 41,641 college students from the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom between 1989 and 2016 (Curran & Hill, 2019) demonstrated significant linear increases across birth cohorts in multidimensional perfectionism, with socially prescribed perfectionism showing the largest relative increase over time.
Herbert Simon won the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences, the Turing Award in computer science, and the highest scientific award in psychology.
"he had won both the Nobel Prize in economics, the Turing Award—the highest prize in computer science, because he was a founder of AI—and then he won the highest award in psychology." (said at 0:13:46)
Herbert A. Simon received the highest recognitions across economics, computer science, and psychology. He received the ACM A.M. Turing Award in 1975 (shared with Allen Newell) for his foundational contributions to artificial intelligence and cognitive science, the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences in 1978 for his pioneering research into decision-making processes within economic organizations, and psychology's highest scientific awards, including the American Psychological Association (APA) Award for Distinguished Scientific Contributions in 1969 and the American Psychological Foundation Gold Medal Award for Psychological Science in 1988.
- supports: HERBERT A. SIMON (1916 - 2001): THE SCIENTIST OF THE ARTIFICIAL (ICGA Journal 2001) · cited 1x in the literature
"His often controversial ideas earned him wide scientific recognition and essentially all the top awards of the fields in which he researched, including the Turing award from the Association of Computing Machinery, with Allen Newell, in 1975, the Nobel prize in economics, in 1978, and the Gold Medal Award for Psychological Science from the American Psychological Foundation, in 1988." (abstract, passage verified)
openalexfull study (doi) - supports: Herbert A. Simon, 1916-2001 (Science 2001) · cited 13x in the literature
"Herbert A. Simon, winner of the 1978 Nobel Prize in Economics, died on 9 February at the age of 84... Before his Nobel Prize, Simon had already won the A. M. Turing Award, the top accolade for computer science, prompting computer scientists to refer to him as “our Nobel Prize winner.” But psychologists also awarded him their top honor, the Distinguished Scientific Contribution Award, and they too claimed him as their own." (abstract, paragraphs 1-2)
openalexfull study (doi)
Research by Scott Stanley shows that couples who 'slide' into relationship commitments rather than actively 'deciding' have higher divorce rates and lower marital happiness.
"there's this interesting research by this guy Scott Stanley on relationships that's finding increasingly younger people are doing what he calls sliding versus deciding in relationships where in the interest of keeping their options open, they'll say like, "I'm just going to keep seeing how it goes. I'm not really committed," and then their options are closing whether they like it or not if they stay in, right? So they kind of sleepwalk into this escalating commitment and if they end up getting married they're more likely to get divorced. They're less likely to be happy." (said at 0:15:32)
Research by Scott Stanley and colleagues on the "sliding versus deciding" framework demonstrates that individuals who engage in thoughtful relationship decision-making ("deciding") report significantly higher relationship satisfaction and dedication, as well as fewer extra-dyadic involvements, compared to those who slide into relationship transitions. The primary evidence from this specific research is based on cross-sectional self-report data in 252 individuals.
- supports: Sliding versus Deciding in Relationships: Associations with Relationship Quality, Commitme… (Journal of couple & relationship therapy 2013) · cited 67x in the literature
"In a sample of 252 men and women, the results showed that regardless of relationship status (i.e., dating, cohabiting, or married), those who reported more thoughtful decision-making processes also reported more dedication to their partners, higher satisfaction with the relationship, and fewer extra-dyadic involvements." (abstract, results, passage verified)
pubmedfull study (doi)
Marc Porat coined the term 'information economy' on the first page of his 1976 Stanford PhD dissertation.
"I was reading his PhD dissertation during book reporting, 1976 at Stanford. He coins the term "information economy" on the first page" (said at 0:23:20)
Marc Porat's 1976 Stanford University doctoral dissertation, titled 'The Information Economy' (subsequently published in 1977 as a landmark nine-volume report by the US Department of Commerce's Office of Telecommunications), is widely recognized in academic literature as the seminal work defining and measuring the 'information economy' and 'information sector'.
Prior to 2000, most large trials for cardiovascular medications and supplements were positive, but after pre-registration of predictions was mandated in 2000, almost all subsequent trials yielded negative results.
"So there's this interesting point in the year 2000 where in the lead-up to 2000, decades leading up to 2000, there are all these big trials for medications and supplements to improve cardiovascular health, and most of them were positive. And then in 2000, all of a sudden almost all of them are negative from 2000 on, and there was this question of what the heck is going on? Did medicine stop working at the millennium? But in fact, it was because a funding agency decided for these trials, you have to record your prediction of what's going to happen ahead of time." (said at 0:30:45)
The speaker accurately describes the findings of a seminal 2015 meta-epidemiological analysis by Kaplan and Irvin examining 55 large National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute (NHLBI) randomized controlled trials evaluating drugs or dietary supplements for cardiovascular disease published between 1970 and 2012. Prior to 2000 (before prospective trial pre-registration on ClinicalTrials.gov was mandated), 17 of 30 trials (57%) reported a statistically significant benefit on their primary outcome. Following the year 2000, only 2 of 25 trials (8%) showed significant benefit, with the remaining 92% demonstrating null/negative results.
In a study where businesses were randomized to different market research trainings, companies trained in the scientific method to test specific hypotheses pivoted more often and were significantly more likely to succeed and generate revenue.
"And so some of this thinking was applied to businesses in a study where businesses were randomized to different types of training for market research. And some of them were trained in the scientific method, where they said, 'Come up with your hypothesis of how your product fits the market. Come up with a way to test it. These have to be specific predictions of what you think people will value in your product or whatever it is, and then test it and see what happens.' And most of the companies that did that, that got that training, found that something about their theory was wrong about the value they thought they were adding, what people would want, and all those things, and they would pivot. And those companies were much more likely to succeed and start making money than the ones who really didn't make a strong prediction, didn't test it, and ended up not pivoting." (said at 0:31:58)
The speaker accurately describes a prominent stream of randomized controlled trials (originating with Camuffo et al., 2020, and replicated in subsequent large-scale RCTs) evaluating a scientific approach to entrepreneurial decision-making. In these field experiments, early-stage entrepreneurs were randomized to receive either standard business training or training in a scientific approach—formulating explicit hypotheses, defining metrics, and systematically testing assumptions about product-market fit. Entrepreneurs trained in the scientific approach were more likely to identify flawed assumptions, terminate or pivot unviable ideas, and achieve superior economic and venture performance compared to control groups.
- supports: A scientific approach to entrepreneurial decision‐making: Large‐scale replication and exte… (Strategic Management Journal 2024) · cited 78x in the literature
"This article runs a large‐scale replication of Camuffo and colleagues in 2020, involving 759 firms in four randomized control trials. The larger sample generates novel and more precise insights about the teachability and implications of a scientific approach in entrepreneurship. We observe a positive impact on idea termination and results that are consistent with a nonlinear effect on radical pivots, with treated firms running few over no or repeated pivots." (abstract, research summary, passage verified)
openalexfull study (doi) - supports: Scientific decision-making, project selection and longer-term outcomes (Research Policy 2024) · cited 24x in the literature
"Analyzing data from two randomized controlled trials (RCTs) involving 382 entrepreneurs, this study explores the implications of training a group of entrepreneurs in a scientific approach to decision-making on their project selection. It provides evidence that the documented increased likelihood of project termination by ‘scientific’ entrepreneurs is associated with higher accuracy in recognizing project value." (abstract, passage verified)
openalexfull study (doi) - supports: Making business model decisions like scientists: Strategic commitment, uncertainty, and ec… (Strategic Management Journal 2024) · cited 41x in the literature
"In the experiment, half of the entrepreneurs were taught to use a scientific approach for making decisions (the treated group), while the others received similar training without the scientific approach (the control group). Results show that treated entrepreneurs with already defined strategies benefited more, experiencing improved performance even in the short term." (abstract, managerial abstract, passage verified)
openalexfull study (doi)
In Brian Wansink's soup bowl experiment, participants eating from secretly self-refilling bowls consumed significantly more food than those eating from regular bowls.
"So, the soup bowl was this famous study where people were given bowls of soup and just told, 'Eat until you're full and then stop.' And some of those people secretly had a tube under the table that was filling the soup bowl while they were eating slowly. And the finding was that those people ate much more, even though they were told, like, just stop eating when you're full, that the people who had the secretly refilling bowl ate, like, way more than the people who didn't." (said at 0:33:11)
The speaker accurately describes the design and findings of Brian Wansink and colleagues' 2005 'bottomless bowls' study. In the randomized experiment of 54 participants, individuals assigned to secretly self-refilling soup bowls consumed 73% more soup (14.7 ± 8.4 oz vs. 8.5 ± 6.1 oz, p < 0.01) than those eating from normal bowls, yet did not perceive themselves as having eaten more or feeling more satiated.
A meta-research paper analyzing published food studies showed that virtually every food examined had been reported to both cause and prevent cancer multiple times, except bacon, which was only linked to causing cancer.
"There's a sadly humorous paper that sometimes people call the 'Everything In Your Fridge Causes and Prevents Cancer' paper [laughter], where it gathered up all these different studies of different foods and plotted them, and you could see literally every food had been found to cause and prevent cancer multiple times, except bacon, which was found only to cause cancer, which is sad, but real." (said at 0:34:00)
The speaker accurately describes the 2013 meta-research review by Schoenfeld and Ioannidis, titled 'Is everything we eat associated with cancer? A systematic cookbook review' (Am J Clin Nutr). In this study, 50 common food ingredients were sampled from recipes, and 40 were found to have published literature on cancer risk. For most individual ingredients (such as wine, tomatoes, tea, milk, beef, and coffee), individual observational studies reported both increased and decreased risks across different publications, while the sampled literature for bacon exclusively reported increased cancer risk estimates.
Approximately 18 published academic papers by nutrition researcher Brian Wansink were retracted.
"And ultimately about 18 of his famous papers were retracted. Nutrition research is a mess like that." (said at 0:35:44)
The claim that approximately 18 published academic papers by consumer behavior and nutrition researcher Brian Wansink were retracted is supported by scientific journal records. Following investigations into scientific integrity, reporting flaws, and data inconsistencies, major journals published multiple formal retraction notices withdrawing Wansink's papers.
- supports: Notice of Retraction. Wansink B, Just DR, Payne CR. Can Branding Improve School Lunches? A… (JAMA pediatrics 2017)RETRACTED · cited 7x in the literature
"Notice of Retraction. Wansink B, Just DR, Payne CR. Can Branding Improve School Lunches? Arch Pediatr Adolesc Med. 2012;166(10):967-968. JAMA Pediatr. doi:10.1001/archpediatrics.2012.999." (title, passage verified)
pubmedfull study (doi) - supports: Notice of Retractions: "First Foods Most: After 18-Hour Fast, People Drawn to Starches Fir… (JAMA internal medicine 2018)RETRACTED · cited 4x in the literature
"Notice of Retractions: "First Foods Most: After 18-Hour Fast, People Drawn to Starches First and Vegetables Last," "Fattening Fasting: Hungry Grocery Shoppers Buy More Calories, Not More Food," and "Watch What You Eat: Action-Related Television Content Increases Food Intake" by Brian Wansink." (title, passage verified)
pubmedfull study (doi) - supports: Notice of Retraction: "Consequences of Belonging to the 'Clean Plate Club'" and "Preorderi… (JAMA pediatrics 2018)RETRACTED · cited 2x in the literature
"Notice of Retraction: "Consequences of Belonging to the 'Clean Plate Club'" and "Preordering School Lunch Encourages Better Food Choices by Children" by Brian Wansink." (title, passage verified)
pubmedfull study (doi)
Prior to the late 18th-century Romantic period, creativity and originality were not considered synonymous.
"So the idea that creativity and originality were synonymous wasn't even really a thing until the late 18th-century Romantic period, which was a reaction against the Enlightenment basically, with its emphasis on logic and science and all this stuff." (said at 0:46:10)
Historical analysis of the concept of creativity and originality shows that equating creative production with radical originality and individual invention is a modern construct that crystallized during the Romantic era of the late 18th and early 19th centuries. Classical, medieval, and early modern aesthetics largely viewed art through frameworks of mimesis (imitation of nature or classical models) and divine creation, rather than individual original creation. The conflation of human creativity with novelty and original genius developed in the late 18th century as Romantic aesthetics reacted against Enlightenment rationalism and classical imitation doctrines.
William Shakespeare adapted Romeo and Juliet from Arthur Brooke.
"So Shakespeare, for example, I mean, he didn't write Romeo and Juliet, or he didn't come up with the idea. No, he adapted it from Arthur Brooke, his countryman, who had adapted it from other people." (said at 0:46:53)
Historical and literary scholarship confirms that William Shakespeare based 'Romeo and Juliet' primarily on Arthur Brooke's 1562 narrative poem, 'The Tragical History of Romeus and Juliet'. Brooke had in turn adapted his version from Pierre Boaistuau's French translation of Matteo Bandello's Italian novella.
- supports: The Challenges of Romeo and Juliet (Cambridge University Press eBooks 1996) · cited 5x in the literature
"Already when, around 1594, Shakespeare decided to base a play on the story, he was able to consult more than one version. He worked closely from The Tragical History of Romeus and Juliet , by Arthur Brooke (who, like the hero and heroine of the story, himself died young), first published in 1562 and reprinted in 1587. Brooke had used a moralistic French adaptation, by Pierre Boaistuau, of a story by the Italian Matteo Bandello, and Shakespeare probably also read William Painter's translation of Boaistuau in his Palace of Pleasure , of 1567." (abstract, main text, passage verified)
openalexfull study (doi)
Curb cuts were originally created specifically for wheelchair accessibility.
"So some of the simple things in the world like curb cuts—the reason that curbs have a part that's level with the street, those were originally made for wheelchairs, but it turns out they're better for everybody, right?" (said at 0:56:56)
Curb cuts (curb ramps) were originally designed and legislated to remove physical barriers for individuals with disabilities and mobility impairments, such as wheelchair users, before becoming a paradigmatic example of universal design that benefits the general public (e.g., people with strollers, carts, or bicycles).
True multitasking with two cognitively engaged tasks is not possible; the brain instead switches between tasks with an associated cognitive cost.
"There's some types of multitasking that are possible. We can walk and talk at the same time when we're combining it with a function that's basically automatic... But the way that people generally think about it, two different cognitively engaged tasks, it's not possible." (said at 1:00:36)
Extensive cognitive psychology research demonstrates that human attentional architecture suffers from a central processing bottleneck (demonstrated in paradigms such as the psychological refractory period). When individuals attempt to perform two tasks that require cognitive engagement (such as central response selection), processing occurs serially rather than in parallel, incurring cognitive costs and working memory overhead due to task scheduling and switching processes.
Robert Frost's poem 'The Road Not Taken' was written to tease his walking companion Edward Thomas for indecisiveness, rather than as a celebration of rugged individualism.
"What Robert Frost was actually doing was sort of criticizing his walking partner, Edward Thomas, who, when they would come to two roads that looked the same, would agonize over which one to take. And then no matter which one they take, when they were done, he would say, "We should have taken the other one." So if you look at that poem, "The Road Not Taken," closely, Frost says both roads were just as fair. He says neither had footprints in it from that morning. So he was actually criticizing the drive to think about what else you could have been doing." (said at 1:15:51)
Literary and historical scholarship confirms that Robert Frost wrote 'The Road Not Taken' as a gentle mockery of the chronic indecisiveness of his English walking companion, Edward Thomas, who regularly lamented that they had not taken the alternative path on their walks. While popular culture widely misreads the poem as a celebration of nonconformity and rugged individualism ('taking the road less traveled by'), the text of the poem explicitly notes that both paths 'equally lay' and were 'really about the same.'
- supports: Deconstructing Two Roads: Applying the Psychology of Regret to Resolve the Mystery Surroun… (Humanities 2024)
"To the average reader, for over a hundred years “The Road Not Taken” has engendered images of individuality and the need to avoid following the crowd; this despite clear evidence within the verse that contradicts that reading. Most Frost scholars would agree the poem is the most misunderstood poem in Frost’s collection" (abstract, passage verified)
openalexfull study (doi) - supports: Edward Thomas, Robert Frost, and ‘The Road not Taken’ (Institutional Repositories DataBase (IRDB) 2016)
"Now, it is not news that Frost wrote 'The Road Not Taken' towards the end of his 30month sojourn in England from 1912-1915, or else shortly after his return to the US in February 1915. Nor, for that matter, that it was written for Frost's closest English friend, Edward Thomas, and addresses Thomas' difficulty in choosing which path to follow on country walks, and, in a more oblique fashion, his agonies of indecision over whether to enlist in the British Army." (abstract)
openalex
Fact-checked episodes
Publications
No PubMed publication profile has been built for this speaker yet.